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Indigo, Woad, and Constructions of Englishness in the Early Modern Atlantic World

Margaux Delaney

 

By the eighteenth century, networks of indigo had long crisscrossed the globe. Indigenous Mesoamericans gathered wild indigo plants as part of their taxes to the Spanish colonizers before formal indigo plantations exploded in number in the seventeenth century. [1] From the mid-fifteenth century onwards, West Africans exchanged slaves for desirable Asian indigo-dyed textiles brought by European traders.[2] Enslaved Africans labored on indigo plantations in South Carolina, Central America, and the Caribbean.[3] But for Europeans, the desire for blue dye had not always meant the desire for indigo. Woad, a native dyestuff, “was Europe’s truly universal dye, used for all blues but also as a ‘top’ or ‘bottom’ dye for most other colours.”[4] Before indigo was firmly installed as a major plantation export crop, some promoted woad as a potentially Atlantic commodity. Thomas Hariot’s commodity chain for woad, though unrealized, displays the cultural processes of constructing power and national identity in the early modern Atlantic world as surely as did the chains of indigo production that became historical reality.

 

Thomas Hariot’s A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia surveys the findings of an expedition led by Walter Raleigh to the Powhatan lands of the Chesapeake Bay in 1585. The first edition of the Report, published in 1588, provides a comprehensive list of the “Marchantable commodities” (6) that may be produced in the hypothetical Virginia colony.[5] These commodities include “Dyes of divers kindes,” including some native dyes whose “goodnesse for our English clothes remayne yet to be proved” (9). Singled out among the dyes is “Oade,” or woad, described in its own paragraph as “a thing of so great vent and use amongst English Diers, which cannot bee yeelded sufficiently in our owne country for spare of ground; may bee planted in Virginia, there being ground enough” (9). For Hariot, woad’s ability to thrive in Virginian soil becomes a shorthand for the necessity and viability of the English colonial project.

 

Woad figures even more prominently in a later printing of the Report. An expanded edition printed in Frankfurt in 1590 includes over twenty engravings of the social

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A sample of early modern English woad. “Dyer’s letter of February 1626 to woad-growing landowner Henry Sherfield (Member of Parliament for Salisbury). The letter, to which is attached a dyed wool sample, begins: ‘Syr I have sett your woad it is a very kynd woad to work but the value is nott to be sett of it by eas’” (Balfour-Paul, 37).

classes, cities, and practices of the peoples of the Powhatan Confederacy, with explanatory text translated from Latin into English by Richard Hakluyt.[6] The engravings, done by Theodore de Bry, are based on illustrations drawn by John White on Raleigh’s 1585 expedition. Appended to these engravings are five more, strangely, “of the Pictes, which in the olde tyme dyd habite one part of the great Bretainne” (67). De Bry explains that he received these images, too, from White, and that he includes them “for to showe how that the Inhabitants of the great Bretannie have bin in times past as sauvage as those of Virginia” (67). Yet the section on the Picts is concerned with little besides their elaborate body-paintings (a practice which, regardless of its historical reality, was and is alive in the cultural imagination). “In tymes past,” the caption of the first engraving reads, “the Pictes […] were sauvages, and did paint all over their bodye after the maner following” (68). The detailed description of the paintings––what was painted on the chest, what on the knees, legs, and shoulders––are redundant next to the engravings. The overriding emphasis on the paintings underscores the sense that this practice, more than anything else, is what marks out the Picts as “sauvages.” Although the text does not mention the source of the pigment, it was commonly understood to have been woad. Humphrey Llwyd, for instance, wrote in 1573 that “the Britaynes, of whom Caesar, and others do report, […] wer wont to paynt theyr bodies Blew with Woad, that they might appeare the more terrible to their enemies.”[7] For Llwyd, as for the engravings, woad confirms both the Britishness and the savagery of the Picts.

 

Woad is thus an uneasy marker of national identity. As a “marchantable” commodity, it represents England’s potential mercantile power and suggests English difference from New World things whose “goodnesse […] remayne yet to be proved” (9). At the same time, the woad-painted bodies of the ancient Britons mark their similarity to the Powhatan peoples depicted in the Report’s other engravings. Woad’s materiality might inform its instability of meaning. Shakespeare uses the metaphor of the “dyer’s hand” to describe “nature […] subdued / To what it works in.”[8] Dye cannot be handled without handling back. In a similar way, the fictive Viriginian woad in the Report, cultivated on land imagined as a mere extension of England, turns a fictive England into something like an extension of the Powhatan Confederacy.

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“The truue picture of one Picte I” (Hariot, 68-69).

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“The truue picture of a women Picte II” (Hariot, 70-71)

 

Unlike the chains of indigo exchange with which I began, Hariot’s Virginian-English chain of woad production never manifested. Indigo itself did not become a major English colonial commodity until the eighteenth century, when South Carolina landowners turned from rice to the crop, and the East India Company ramped up indigo production in the area around Calcutta.[9] In the scheme of things, colonial indigo production fulfilled Hariot’s fantasy of “ground enough,” but his speculative commodity chain reveals that woad was also at work in the early modern Atlantic world.​

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Notes

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[1] David McCreery, “Indigo Commodity Chains in the Spanish and British Empires,” in From Silver to Cocaine: Latin American Commodity Chains and the Building of the World Economy, 1500–2000, eds. Carlos Marichal, Steven Topik, and Zephyr Frank (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), 54; Murdo J. MacLeod, Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), 178.

[2] Jenny Balfour-Paul, Indigo (London: British Museum Press, 1998), 60.

[3] McCreery, 58; Balfour-Paul, 66.

[4] Balfour-Paul, 30.

[5] Thomas Hariot, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia (London: R. Robinson, 1588).

[6] Thomas Hariot, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia (Frankfurt: Johannes Wechel, 1590).

[7] Humphrey Llwyd, The breuiary of Britayne (London: Richard Johnes, 1573), fol. 36.

[8] William Shakespeare, Shakespeare’s Sonnets, ed. Katherine Duncan-Jones (London: Arden Shakespeare, 2001), 111.

[9] McCreery, 54-55.

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Bibliography

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  • Jenny Balfour-Paul, Indigo (London: British Museum Press, 1998).

  • Thomas Hariot, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia (London: R. Robinson, 1588).

  • Thomas Hariot, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia (Frankfurt: Johannes Wechel, 1590).

  • Humphrey Llwyd, The breuiary of Britayne (London: Richard Johnes, 1573)

  • Murdo J. MacLeod, Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973).

  • David McCreery, “Indigo Commodity Chains in the Spanish and British Empires,” in From Silver to Cocaine: Latin American Commodity Chains and the Building of the World Economy, 1500–2000, eds. Carlos Marichal, Steven Topik, and Zephyr Frank (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006).

  • William Shakespeare, Shakespeare’s Sonnets, ed. Katherine Duncan-Jones (London: Arden Shakespeare, 2001).

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